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The 28 Pages / Saudi Connection

The classified final section of the 2002 Joint Inquiry report into 9/11, which detailed evidence of Saudi government support for the hijackers — suppressed for 14 years, partially declassified in 2016, and still generating explosive revelations through ongoing FBI investigations and federal lawsuits.

FieldDetails
TypeGovernment Cover-Up / Foreign Government Involvement
First Articulated ByJoint Inquiry investigators, championed by Senator Bob Graham
Active Period2002 — present
Key ClaimSaudi government officials provided direct financial, logistical, and operational support to the 9/11 hijackers, and multiple US administrations actively concealed this involvement
Evidence RatingWELL-DOCUMENTED

Overview​

"The 28 pages" refers to Part IV of the December 2002 Joint Inquiry into Intelligence Community Activities before and after the Terrorist Attacks of September 11, 2001, formally titled "Finding, Discussion and Narrative Regarding Certain Sensitive National Security Matters." This 28-page section was classified in its entirety by the Bush administration when the rest of the Joint Inquiry report was published in July 2003.

The classified section summarized investigative leads describing financial, logistical, and other support provided to the 9/11 hijackers and their associates by Saudi Arabian officials and others suspected of being Saudi intelligence agents. The pages focused primarily on events in San Diego, California, where the first two hijackers to arrive in the United States — Nawaf al-Hazmi and Khalid al-Mihdhar — received extensive assistance from individuals connected to the Saudi government.

After a 14-year campaign led by former Senator Bob Graham, the pages were partially declassified on July 15, 2016. What they revealed confirmed the broad outlines of what Graham had described for years: a network of Saudi nationals with government connections had provided material support to hijackers on American soil. Subsequent FBI investigations — particularly the secret Operation Encore, launched in 2007 and running until 2016 — developed additional evidence that Saudi officials "deliberately assisted" the hijackers.

The Saudi connection is distinct from but related to other foreign intelligence dimensions of 9/11, including the Pakistani ISI's wire transfer to lead hijacker Mohamed Atta and questions about Israeli foreknowledge. Together, these threads raise a fundamental question: why did the US government systematically protect Saudi Arabia from accountability for its role in the worst terrorist attack on American soil?

What the 28 Pages Contained​

When partially declassified in July 2016, the 28 pages revealed the following key findings:

The San Diego Support Network​

The pages documented a network of Saudi nationals in San Diego who helped hijackers Nawaf al-Hazmi and Khalid al-Mihdhar obtain bank accounts, find apartments, arrange flight lessons, and connect with local mosques after their arrival in January 2000. Key figures in this network included:

  • Omar al-Bayoumi — Repeatedly described to the FBI as a possible Saudi intelligence officer. He was on the payroll of Dallah Avco, a Saudi aviation company linked to the Saudi Ministry of Defense, though he did not appear to perform any actual work. The 28 pages noted that "al-Bayoumi was known to have access to large amounts of money from Saudi Arabia, despite the fact that he did not appear to hold a job." Al-Bayoumi met the two hijackers at a restaurant in Los Angeles in what he claimed was a chance encounter, then helped them relocate to San Diego, co-signed their lease, paid their first month's rent, and connected them with the local Muslim community. His monthly payments from Dallah Avco increased significantly after the hijackers arrived.

  • Osama Bassnan — A Saudi national who lived across the street from al-Hazmi and al-Mihdhar in San Diego. Bassnan's wife received tens of thousands of dollars in monthly stipends from a charity run by Princess Haifa al-Faisal, the wife of Saudi Ambassador Prince Bandar bin Sultan. FBI searches of the Bassnan residence uncovered copies of 31 cashier's checks totaling $74,000, dated between February 1999 and May 2002. On at least one occasion, Bassnan received a check for $15,000 directly from Prince Bandar's personal account. Bassnan told acquaintances he did more for the hijackers than al-Bayoumi did.

  • Fahad al-Thumairy — A Saudi diplomatic employee at the Saudi Consulate General in Los Angeles and imam at the King Fahd Mosque in Culver City, who helped connect the hijackers to their San Diego support network upon their arrival in California.

Financial Connections to the Saudi Royal Family​

The most explosive element of the 28 pages was the documented financial trail connecting the hijackers' support network to Prince Bandar bin Sultan, the Saudi Ambassador to the United States known as "Bandar Bush" for his close personal relationship with the Bush family. The pages documented:

  • Direct checks from Bandar's personal account to Osama Bassnan
  • Monthly stipends from Princess Haifa al-Faisal's charity accounts to Bassnan's wife, ostensibly for "nursing services" — a characterization the Joint Inquiry doubted
  • A financial pipeline from the Saudi Embassy and royal family through intermediaries to individuals directly assisting the hijackers

Despite these documented connections, the 9/11 Commission — directed by executive director Philip Zelikow, who had close ties to the Bush administration — concluded there was "no evidence" that money from Prince Bandar or his wife was passed to the hijackers.

The FBI Informant Scandal: Abdussattar Shaikh​

One of the most disturbing aspects of the Saudi connection involves Abdussattar Shaikh, an FBI informant in San Diego who was literally living with two of the hijackers.

Shaikh was an asset of the FBI's San Diego Field Office from May 1994 to July 2003. In 2000, hijackers Nawaf al-Hazmi and Khalid al-Mihdhar rented a room in Shaikh's home in Lemon Grove, California. The Joint Inquiry called him "the FBI's best chance to uncover September 11th before it happened."

What happened next constitutes one of the most significant obstructions of the 9/11 investigations:

  • The FBI refused to allow Shaikh to testify before the Joint Inquiry
  • The Bush administration blocked the 9/11 Commission from interviewing him
  • Shaikh was taken into FBI protective custody immediately after 9/11 and held for nearly four years
  • Upon his release, he was given a $100,000 payment and discharged from his responsibilities

Senator Bob Graham stated plainly: "He was withheld from us and in my own opinion, it was purposeful so that we would not get access to whatever information he had."

In 2024, Florida Bulldog reported that Shaikh was allegedly "co-opted" by Saudi intelligence, raising the possibility that the FBI's own informant was simultaneously working for the Saudi government while living with two of the hijackers.

The Sarasota, Florida Connection​

In addition to the San Diego network, a separate Saudi connection emerged in Sarasota, Florida — near where several hijackers trained at flight schools.

The al-Hijji family — Abdulazziz al-Hijji, his wife Anoud, and her father Esam Ghazzawi (an adviser to a Saudi prince) — abruptly abandoned their upscale home in the gated community of Prestancia approximately two weeks before September 11, 2001. They left behind clothing, jewelry, food, cars, and other valuables in a manner indicating sudden, permanent flight.

FBI Agent Gregory Sheffield's heavily redacted report documented:

  • "Many connections" between the Sarasota Saudis and the hijackers who trained at a nearby airport
  • Vehicles used by the hijackers had visited the al-Hijji home
  • Phone records linked the residence to 9/11 ringleader Mohamed Atta
  • An informant told the FBI in 2004 that al-Hijji considered Osama bin Laden a "hero" and may have known some of the hijackers

The FBI kept its Sarasota investigation secret for a decade. It did not inform Congress' Joint Inquiry about it. Nor did the FBI tell the 9/11 Commission. The investigation was only revealed through investigative journalism by the Florida Bulldog and subsequent FOIA litigation.

Bob Graham's 14-Year Fight to Declassify​

Senator Bob Graham, co-chair of the Joint Inquiry, spent 14 years campaigning for declassification of the 28 pages. Key moments in this campaign:

  • 2003: The Bush administration classified the 28 pages when the Joint Inquiry report was published. Graham publicly stated the pages pointed "a strong finger at Saudi Arabia."
  • 2003-2008: Graham repeatedly called for declassification during his remaining Senate years and afterward.
  • 2009-2015: Graham continued his campaign as a private citizen, writing a fictionalized novel (Keys to the Kingdom) that embedded the suppressed information. He testified before congressional committees and gave hundreds of interviews.
  • 2014: Representatives Walter Jones (R-NC) and Stephen Lynch (D-MA) introduced H. Res. 428 calling for declassification, eventually gaining 73 co-sponsors.
  • April 2016: Graham appeared on 60 Minutes in a widely viewed segment calling for release of the pages.
  • July 15, 2016: The Obama administration partially declassified the 28 pages, with some redactions remaining.

Graham stated that "the FBI has gone beyond just covering up ... into what I call aggressive deception" regarding Saudi involvement.

Operation Encore​

Operation Encore was a secret FBI investigation launched in 2007 — three years after the 9/11 Commission concluded — to further investigate Saudi government links to the hijackers. The investigation ran until at least 2016.

Key aspects of Operation Encore:

  • Focused on Omar al-Bayoumi and Fahad al-Thumairy's roles as possible Saudi intelligence operatives tasked with supporting the hijackers
  • Developed evidence suggesting that "at least two Saudi officials deliberately assisted" the first hijackers when they arrived in the United States in January 2000
  • A 16-page summary document from the investigation was declassified by the Biden administration on September 11, 2021, following years of pressure from 9/11 families
  • The declassified document tied the hijackers to a network of Saudi government employees and officials operating in the United States
  • FBI agents involved in Operation Encore sought CIA assistance to investigate the Sarasota Saudi connection

The existence of Operation Encore was itself kept secret for years, its findings hidden even from members of Congress with oversight authority over intelligence agencies.

JASTA: Justice Against Sponsors of Terrorism Act​

On September 28, 2016, Congress enacted the Justice Against Sponsors of Terrorism Act (JASTA), which narrowed the scope of foreign sovereign immunity to allow civil claims against a foreign state for injuries from acts of international terrorism on US soil.

  • President Obama vetoed the bill on September 23, 2016
  • Congress overrode the veto with overwhelming margins: 97-1 in the Senate and 348-77 in the House — the only successful veto override of Obama's presidency
  • Saudi Arabia threatened to sell up to $750 billion in US Treasury securities if the bill passed; they never followed through
  • The law's practical effect was to allow continuation of the 9/11 families' civil lawsuit against Saudi Arabia

JASTA's passage represented a rare moment of bipartisan consensus that the Saudi government should face legal accountability, overcoming opposition from a sitting president and the Saudi lobby.

The Ongoing Lawsuits Against Saudi Arabia​

Under JASTA, 9/11 families and survivors filed suit against the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in the Southern District of New York (case: In re Terrorist Attacks on September 11, 2001).

Key developments:

  • March 2017: 1,500 injured survivors and 850 family members filed suit alleging Saudi Arabia "knowingly provided material support and resources to the al-Qaeda terrorist organization and facilitated the September 11th Attacks."
  • July 2024: Plaintiffs presented, for the first time, a comprehensive picture of the assistance rendered by Saudi government employees and agents. Evidence included material from the UK Metropolitan Police Service regarding Omar al-Bayoumi's support to the hijackers.
  • August 2025: District Judge George Daniels issued a historic order denying Saudi Arabia's motion to dismiss, ruling that Saudi Arabia failed to prove the litigation falls outside JASTA's scope. The case was cleared for a path toward trial.
  • As of 2026: The case is proceeding toward trial with no settlement reached.

The lawsuit has become a vehicle for declassification of additional evidence, as discovery has forced the release of documents that the US government fought for decades to keep secret.

Key Figures​

  • Omar al-Bayoumi — Suspected Saudi intelligence operative who helped hijackers settle in San Diego; payments from Saudi Ministry of Defense increased after hijackers' arrival
  • Osama Bassnan — Saudi national who received payments from Prince Bandar's accounts while living across from the hijackers
  • Prince Bandar bin Sultan ("Bandar Bush") — Saudi Ambassador to the US, personal checks traced to hijacker support network, close personal relationship with the Bush family
  • Princess Haifa al-Faisal — Wife of Prince Bandar, whose charity accounts funded monthly stipends to Bassnan's wife
  • Fahad al-Thumairy — Saudi consular official and imam who connected hijackers to their San Diego support network
  • Abdussattar Shaikh — FBI informant living with two hijackers, blocked from testifying before all investigations
  • Abdulazziz al-Hijji — Saudi national in Sarasota whose family fled two weeks before 9/11, with documented connections to the hijackers
  • Bob Graham — Co-chair of the Joint Inquiry who spent 14 years fighting to declassify the 28 pages
  • Philip Zelikow — Executive Director of the 9/11 Commission, which downplayed Saudi connections despite the evidence

Why This Matters​

The Saudi connection reveals multiple overlapping patterns of cover-up:

  1. Classification as concealment — The 28 pages were classified not to protect national security but to protect a foreign ally from accountability
  2. Investigation obstruction — The FBI blocked its own informant from testifying, kept the Sarasota investigation secret from Congress, and ran Operation Encore in secrecy for nearly a decade
  3. Bipartisan deep state consensus — Both the Bush and Obama administrations protected Saudi Arabia, despite evidence of Saudi government involvement in the worst terrorist attack on American soil
  4. Commission whitewashing — The 9/11 Commission, under Philip Zelikow, concluded "no evidence" of Saudi government involvement despite the substantial evidence documented in the 28 pages
  5. Foreign influence over US policy — The US-Saudi relationship — built on oil, arms deals, and geopolitical alliance — took priority over justice for 3,000 murdered Americans

The Saudi connection intersects with other documented foreign intelligence threads, including the Pakistani ISI's alleged funding of the hijackers and questions about Israeli foreknowledge, suggesting that the full story of foreign government involvement in 9/11 remains far from fully told.

Criticisms & Counter-Arguments​

  • The 9/11 Commission and a 2005 joint FBI-CIA study both concluded there was no evidence of official Saudi government complicity in the attacks
  • Saudi Arabia has consistently denied any government involvement, characterizing the individuals named as acting independently
  • Some analysts argue al-Bayoumi and Bassnan were simply members of the Saudi community who helped fellow nationals, not intelligence operatives
  • The CIA assessed that al-Bayoumi was an "unlikely candidate for clandestine involvement" with the hijackers, though the FBI disagreed
  • NBC News reported that the declassified 28 pages "hold no proof of Saudi link," characterizing them as investigative leads rather than conclusions
  • Saudi Arabia cooperated with some aspects of the 9/11 Commission investigation and allowed interviews with some officials

See Also​

  • Bob Graham — Co-chair of the Joint Inquiry who led the 14-year fight to declassify the 28 pages
  • Philip Zelikow — 9/11 Commission Executive Director who oversaw the report that downplayed Saudi connections
  • Pakistani ISI — Pakistani intelligence service implicated in funding hijacker Mohamed Atta
  • Israeli Foreknowledge / Mossad — Another foreign intelligence dimension of 9/11 foreknowledge

Other Coverage Worth Reading​

  • Sibel Edmonds: FBI translator discovered the Bureau had 9/11 foreknowledge, then was gagged under the most sweeping State Secrets order in history.
  • Coleen Rowley: FBI agent whose Minneapolis office was actively blocked from investigating Zacarias Moussaoui weeks before the attacks.
  • William Rodriguez: Last man pulled from the WTC rubble, his testimony about basement explosions before the plane hit was excluded from the official record.
  • Susan Lindauer: CIA asset who warned of the attacks months in advance, then was arrested under the Patriot Act and held for a year to silence her.

Sources​

This information was compiled by Claude AI research.